It need not be based on biological descent. Even if nationalist doctrines have historically been based on notions of biological descent and race, Miller emphasizes that sharing a national culture is, in principle, compatible with people belonging to a diversity of racial and ethnic groups.
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In addition, every member need not have been born in the homeland. Thus, "immigration need not pose problems, provided only that the immigrants come to share a common national identity, to which they may contribute their own distinctive ingredients. Liberal nationalists focus on the idea of culture, as opposed to ethnicity or descent, in order to reconcile nationalism with liberalism.
Thicker than constitutional patriotism, liberal nationalism, Miller maintains, is thinner than ethnic models of belonging. Both nationality and ethnicity have cultural components, but what is said to distinguish "civic" nations from "ethnic" nations is that the latter are exclusionary and closed on grounds of biological descent; the former are, in principle, open to anyone willing to adopt the national culture.
Yet the civic-ethnic distinction is not so clear-cut in practice. Every nation has an "ethnic core. This is a Western mirage, reality-as-wish; closer examination always reveals the ethnic core of civic nations, in practice, even in immigrant societies with their early pioneering and dominant English and Spanish culture in America, Australia, or Argentina, a culture that provided the myths and language of the would-be nation.
This blurring of the civic-ethnic distinction is reflected throughout U. Why, then, if all national cultures have ethnic cores, should those outside this core embrace the national culture? Miller acknowledges that national cultures have typically been formed around the ethnic group that is dominant in a particular territory and therefore bear "the hallmarks of that group: language, religion, cultural identity.
The major difficulty here is that national cultures are not typically the product of collective deliberation in which all have the opportunity to participate.
Essay:Ethnicity and Nationalism
The challenge is to ensure that historically marginalized groups, as well as new groups of immigrants, have genuine opportunities to contribute "on an equal footing" to shaping the national culture. Without such opportunities, liberal nationalism collapses into conservative nationalism of the kind defended by Samuel Huntington. He calls for immigrants to assimilate into America's "Anglo- Protestant culture. Cultural nationalist visions of solidarity would lend support to immigration and immigrant policies that give weight to linguistic and ethnic preferences and impose special requirements on individuals from groups deemed to be outside the nation's "core culture.
They were treated not as immigrants but "resettlers" Aussiedler who acted on their constitutional right to return to their country of origin. In contrast, non-ethnically German guestworkers Gastarbeiter were designated as "aliens" Auslander under the German Alien Law and excluded from German citizenship. The language requirement in contemporary naturalization policies in the West is the leading remaining example of a cultural nationalist integration policy; it reflects not only a concern with the economic and political integration of immigrants but also a nationalist concern with preserving a distinctive national culture.
Constitutional patriotism and liberal nationalism are accounts of civic solidarity that deal with what one might call first-level diversity. Individuals have different group identities and hold divergent moral and religious outlooks, yet they are expected to share the same idea of what it means to be American: either patriots committed to the same set of ideals or co-nationals sharing the relevant cultural attributes.
Charles Taylor suggests an alternative approach, the idea of "deep diversity. Taylor introduces the idea of deep diversity in the context of discussing what it means to be Canadian:. Someone of, say, Italian extraction in Toronto or Ukrainian extraction in Edmonton might indeed feel Canadian as a bearer of individual rights in a multicultural mosaic.
Importance of national unity and the role of moderation I
Civic solidarity or political identity is not "defined according to a concrete content," but, rather, "by the fact that everybody is attached to that identity in his or her own fashion, that everybody wants to continue that history and proposes to make that community progress. In our world, membership in a political community provides goods we cannot do without; this, above all, may be the source of our desire for political community.
Even though Taylor contrasts Canada with the United States, accepting the myth of America as a nation of immigrants, the United States also has a need for acknowledgment of diverse modes of belonging based on the distinctive histories of different groups. Native Americans, African Americans, Irish Americans, Vietnamese Americans, and Mexican Americans: across these communities of people, we can find not only distinctive group identities, but also distinctive ways of belonging to the political community.
Deep diversity is not a recapitulation of the idea of cultural pluralism first developed in the United States by Horace Kallen, who argued for assimilation "in matters economic and political" and preservation of differences "in cultural consciousness. The ethnic-political distinction maps onto a private-public dichotomy; the two spheres are to be kept separate, such that Irish Americans, for example, are culturally Irish and politically American.
In contrast, the idea of deep diversity recognizes that Irish Americans are culturally Irish American and politically Irish American.
National Minorities in an Ethnic Situation: an Essay in Epistemology of Social Sciences
As Michael Walzer put it in his discussion of American identity almost twenty years ago, the culture of hyphenated Americans has been shaped by American culture, and their politics is significantly ethnic in style and substance. While attractive for its inclusiveness, the deep diversity model may be too thin a basis for civic solidarity in a democratic society.
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Can there be civic solidarity without citizens already sharing a set of values or a culture in the first place? In writing elsewhere about how different groups within democracy might "share identity space," Taylor himself suggests that the "basic principles of republican constitutions — democracy itself and human rights, among them" constitute a "non-negotiable" minimum.
Yet, what distinguishes Taylor's deep diversity model of solidarity from Habermas's constitutional patriotism is the recognition that "historic identities cannot be just abstracted from. What matters is not so much the content of solidarity, but the ethos generated by making the effort at mutual understanding and respect.
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Canada's approach to the integration of immigrants may be the closest thing there is to "deep diversity. Through its official multiculturalism policies, Canada expresses a commitment to the value of diversity among immigrant communities through funding for ethnic associations and supporting heritage language schools. Multicultural accommodations actually provide the conditions under which immigrant integration might genuinely become a two-way process.
Such policies send a strong message that immigrants are a welcome part of the political community and should play an active role in shaping its future evolution. The question of solidarity may not be the most urgent task Americans face today; war and economic crisis loom larger. But the question of solidarity remains important in the face of ongoing large-scale immigration and its effects on intergroup relations, which in turn affect our ability to deal with issues of economic inequality and democracy. I hope to have shown that patriotism is not easily separated from nationalism, that nationalism needs to be evaluated in light of shared principles, and that respect for deep diversity presupposes a commitment to some shared values, including perhaps diversity itself.
Rather than viewing the three models of civic solidarity I have discussed as mutually exclusive — as the proponents of each sometimes seem to suggest — we should think about how they might be made to work together with each model tempering the excesses of the others.
What is now formally required of immigrants seeking to become American citizens most clearly reflects the first two models of solidarity: professed allegiance to the principles of the Constitution constitutional patriotism and adoption of a shared culture by demonstrating the ability to read, write, and speak English liberal nationalism. The revised citizenship test makes gestures toward respect for first-level diversity and inclusion of historically marginalized groups with questions such as, "Who lived in America before the Europeans arrived?
Anthony do? A more inclusive American solidarity requires the recognition not only of the fact that Americans are a diverse people, but also that they have distinctive ways of belonging to America. Spring What does it mean to be an American? Author Information. Taylor introduces the idea of deep diversity in the context of discussing what it means to be Canadian: Someone of, say, Italian extraction in Toronto or Ukrainian extraction in Edmonton might indeed feel Canadian as a bearer of individual rights in a multicultural mosaic.
Stephan Thernstrom Cambridge, Mass. Joshua Cohen Boston: Beacon Press, , William Rehg Cambridge, Mass. Rehg, See James H. James Madison opposed the second requirement: "It was hard to make a man swear that he preferred the Constitution of the United States, or to give any general opinion, because he may, in his own private judgment, think Monarchy or Aristocracy better, and yet be honestly determined to support his Government as he finds it"; Annals of Cong.
See also Schneiderman v. United States , U. The task to prepare an assignment on stereotype topics is typical for members of colleges and universities studying social science and psychology. Culture, customs and traditions differ from one part of Nepal to another and a in capital city Kathmandu where cultures are blending to form a national identity.
Our Hispanic faculty specializes in current issues including cultural identity, race, gender, ethnicity from a variety of theoretical approaches, including Post-Colonial Studies, Cultural Studies, Queer Studies, Eco-Criticism, Performance Studies, and Material Culture Studies. Essay on our culture our identity nepal. As human beings, we all have our own values, beliefs and attitudes that we have developed throughout the course of our lives.
What is the above clip focusing on? We all consider Nepal as our motherland. When I was in middle- School, our teacher used to ask us to write an essay on topics like the national animal, the national bird, the national festival and the culture of various athnic groups. Also, except few isolated places where there are only Tibeto-Burban or only Indo-Aryan , Nepal is culturally mixed.
It falls in September to Octorber and nepal dashain 5 days. They play an important role to add structure to our social lives, and connect us with our families and backgrounds. It is about the people, their culture and lifestyles, daily patterns, their relationship with each others, etc.
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The clerk declared us 'best friends for life' in a ceremony with just the two of us.